Michael Moore, Polarization and Power: A timely lesson in co-intelligence
by Tom Atlee
July 2, 2004
There is something interesting, odd and potentially powerful going
on.
There is a lot of conversation about polarization, and a flurry
of Op Ed pieces about it, from both the Left and the Right. Here
are five examples:
- "Party loyalties color our views of reality" by David
Brooks, The New York Times, June 16, 2004
<http://www.sunherald.com/mld/thesunherald/2004/06/16/news/editorial/8932748.htm>
- "Move beyond warring, partisan camps" by David Brooks,
The New York Times, June 29, 2004
<http://www.chron.com/cs/CDA/ssistory.mpl/editorial/2663688>
- "How Polarization Sells" by Robert J. Samuelson, Washington
Post, June 30, 2004
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A16180-2004Jun29.html>
- "Liberals making same mistake in the rush to sling mud"
by Nicholas D. Kristof, New York Times, June 30, 2004
<http://www.startribune.com/stories/562/4855190.html>
- "Limbaughing to the left?" by Ellen Goodman, Boston
Globe, July 1, 2004
<http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2004/07/01/limbaughing_to_the_left/>
Normally I would be encouraged. Polarization is one of the major
obstacles to people coming together co-intelligently. Polarization
is a powerful weapon to divide and conquer populations who could
otherwise challenge entrenched, life-degrading centers of power.
But ANTI-polarization essays and dialogue can also be used in this
same way -- to divide and conquer populations who could otherwise
challenge entrenched power. Some of the most vital and powerful
voices of dissent can be silenced or marginalized by calling them
polarized, and getting their allies and the general public to SEE
them through the lens of polarization, and reject them. Attacking
an individual or group for polarizing the conversation can, by marginalizing
them, undermine informed dialogue and collective intelligence.
The kind of anti-polarization work that is needed, in contrast,
is persistent, open exploration of the polarizing forces in and
around all of us, and the polarizing activities of all sides.
This is significant because much of the current flurry of commentary
about polarization has been triggered by Michael Moore's film Fahrenheit
911. In the world of democratic discourse, Moore's deeply felt propaganda
is a powerfully articulate, well researched statement. It shares
its bias and innuendo with thousands of other partisan screeds of
all stripes. But its attack on Bush is far more substantive than
many other influential attacks on public figures from both the Left
and Right. (See Paul Krugmann's "Moore's Public Service"
<http://www.pkarchive.org/column/070204.html>).
Is it fair and useful to turn the anti-polarization spotlight on
it, alone?
If we want to enhance collective intelligence in our political
process, the important thing is not to silence the polarizing partisans.
The most important thing is to establish adequate forums where citizens
can hear articulate advocates of opposing views; productively deliberate
about their ideas, information and proposals; and creatively use
those different perspectives to arrive at understandings and policies
that serve them and their collective welfare.
The problem with polarization is that it shuts people down into
oversimplified stories about each other so that they can no longer
hear each other or process diverse viewpoints. Therefore, trying
to overcome polarization by silencing or marginalizing certain effective
spokespeople is to miss the point entirely, generating conformist
co-stupidity instead of inclusive co-intelligence.
It is important to simultaneously challenge both polarization (and
its accompanying arrogance and dehumanization) AND entrenched power
(with ITS accompanying arrogance and dehumanization). That rare
combination was part of what so many of us find inspiring about
Gandhi and King. They used nonviolent power to challenge oppression
with vision, humility and humanity, pioneering one of the most co-intelligently
potent forms of social change.
We can take their work another step further by establishing democratic
institutions that wisely use all viewpoints -- including those of
both marginalized and powerful groups -- and processes them through
enlightened dialogue and deliberation to produce higher forms of
common sense with which to govern our collective affairs. Like the
work of Gandhi and King, this approach includes the powerholders
(without their oppressive power) and the marginalized (without their
victimized powerlessness) as potential sources of a greater truth
that can only be brought to light through their peer conversation
and collaboration.
Ultimately, our challenge is not to eliminate disagreement and
conflict, but to provide society with the means to harvest wisdom
and life-serving power from all forms of diversity, even the most
extreme.
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